The juice of the sombé dripping slowly on your fingers, you bring the food quickly to your mouth, more juice dripping on your lips.

The chewy pork needs long mastication, there is no time for nonsense conversations.

Primus beer washes down the hearty food and the rest of the afternoon melt into a mellow state of contentment.

Food is for me a ritual and it is maybe the first connection I make with a new country. A way to literally “absorb” the culture. Traditional dishes in Eastern DRC include foufou, sombé (boiled manioc leafs- looks like spinach) and of course chicken (/pork/goat). It was my daily staple in Goma and the dodgier the place, the better the food tasted. As a muzungu you are automatically brought cutlery to eat, but I enjoy too much the sensuality of eating with my fingers. One of my colleagues, Backar told me “ The food does not taste as much when you eat with a knife and a fork”. Words of wisdom.
Foufou is like a huge ball of mashed up sticky rice. It is made of manioc or maize flour and taste rather plain. It takes much arm strength to pound and it is definitely not your throw-pasta-in-the-water evening meal. I just love it. Maybe it has to do with the process of eating it.

In French, we have this expression for people who are fascinated by Africa and cannot live anywhere else without longing to go back. They are les fous d’Afrique. It probably all start with eating foufou and then you’re a fou d’Afrique before realising it.

As I explained in a previous blog post written before I left for Goma, Face à la Justice (FAJ) works with a female-only team of reporters, except for Charles, the presenter. There are two main reasons for that. First, the funding coming from donors is often directed at trainings around the issue of sexual violence. Second, we believe that supporting women development is in itself working towards peace in Eastern DRC. I realized before my trip that there must be some issues for a woman working as a journalist in North and South Kivu, but the extent of it, I could never have imagined.

The obvious: working as a journalist in DRC is dangerous. The threat is ubiquitous although impalpable as it does not come directly from government policy, but rather emanate from the situation of insecurity that crystallizes around people who try to substitute the rule of law and democracy to the current chaos. When do you actually cross the line and who is it that will actually go after you is unclear, but reporters are constantly aware of the threat hanging in the air. Being a journalist also means you have to travel more, exposing you to dangers you would not normally face, as Charles found out little over a year ago on an assignment. He was captured by Mai Mai militias and just about made it alive (read the crazy story here!).

Moreover journalists are look down at and have a reputation of tinkers. In fact, they are nicknamed les quados, a pejorative term designating the men repairing tires on the side of the road. I was explained that the general distrust against journalists comes from the late 1990s, when most media were taking bribes from different sides of the conflict and reporters were “tinkering” with facts to please whoever was paying the most.

But the journalists I work with accumulate the extra difficulty of being women. They were brought up to stay at home, cook, take care of the children, be humble and shy. Not exactly the main journalist’s qualities. So the women who actually made it into journalism are real characters who had to fight their way against what society expected from them and still have to fight these prejudices every day at work. Not to mention they still have to take care of the kids when they go home.

I have immense admiration for them and they are, every time I feel frustrated now that I am back in The Hague, my inspiration to keep going. And believe me, the frustration has come back as fast as the internet connection is slow in Goma.

Immaculée Birhaheka, the founder of Promotion and Support of Women’s Initiatives (PAIF), came to talk about women equality and sexual violence during the week-long training organised for the FAJ journalists. Here is an excerpt of what she said:

“Every woman is marginalized in DRC. You too are marginalized, although educated and practicing a rather masculine profession. It is a great battle for us, women in DRC. Every woman of every social strata have the same problem: social status. But when you fight for your rights, you must not be ashamed. On radio, we hear women who apologize to their husband because they were raped. Is it their fault? Of course not. But they are regarded as « prostitutes » (NB: In DRC, the notion of « prostitute » is rather broad and often encompasses the totality of women who sleep with a man who is not their husband). It must change. Mentalities must change and women are the first who need to change their mentalities because too often, they reject those who have been raped. There are 50% of women victims of rape in Eastern DRC, the other 50% must help them to reintegrate in society. When a woman is raped, it is all the women who are raped. We must be united.
Mentalities must be changed upstream, in order for the sexual violence to stop. But it must be changed downstream as well, in order for the psychological violence suffered by women victims of rape also cease. Congolese journalists are often prejudiced against women who were raped. They don’t do investigations and lack professionalism regarding those issues. But it is for journalists to bring messages of peace and change. The way they report information is the way information is assimilated by the audience. If the local media do not change their approach, the mentalities in the population will not change. I encourage and applaud initiative like this program, which employs female journalists and make them think about prejudices and the issue of sexual violence”.

Face à la Justice: Why did you refuse to give the name of the intermediary in the Lubanga trial and are you planning to do so?

Luis-Moreno Ocampo: Because the person should be protected before providing the name. We accepted to disclose the name but we requested that first, the appropriate protective measures should be implemented. It was a matter of days, which is why we were debating this issue in court.

FAJ: So are you planning on disclosing the name soon?

LMO: As soon as he is protected and in fact today, the trial Chamber II, in the Katanga case ordered to protect the intermediary. So as soon as the protection is in place, we will disclose the name in both cases. In the Lubanga case, few minutes ago we appealed the release of Thomas Lubanga and we request the Appeal Chamber to suspend the effect. That has happen previously so, I am confident that the Appeal chamber will follow its previous decision and Thomas Lubanga will not be released pending the Appeal Chamber decision. And if the measures ordered by trial Chamber II are implemented, we can disclose the name and then request a lift of stay. We are transparent to say that this information should be disclosed to the defence but also we say we cannot do it because of the issue of confidentiality. And the judge is saying that under these conditions we have to stop the trial. I think what happened is good, we are showing this is a court of justice. The prosecutor is firm in his duties and the judges firm in their own duties. [...]

FAJ: The witness protection unit seems to imply the intermediary is already protected.

LMO: The situation is the following. The Chamber itself ordered to disclose the name after protective measures were implemented and they said it twice. However there was a debate between the person to be protected and the witness unit that was apparently delaying the disclosure for two weeks. So what the Chamber did is to say ok, we’ll do a limited disclosure. Just to the defence, Lubanga and the resource person. And the Chamber believes this was not exposing the intermediary to risks. We have a different assessment, we believe this is also exposing him to risk and that is why we are challenging the decision. This is a debate. Disclosing the name to Lubanga and his resource person is putting him at risk or not? We believe yes and we are debating that. And we also say, the prosecutor prefers to lose the case than expose the life of people who are working with the prosecutor’s office.

FAJ: If indeed you lose the case or if Thomas Lubanga is freed following the Appeal Chamber’s decision, it will have grave consequence for justice and the fight against impunity in DRC…

LMO: I don’t think we’ll lose the Lubanga case just as a matter of principle. As a matter of principle, first protection of people, then professional activities.

FAJ: You present this as a debate between the judges and yourself, but obviously something went wrong since judge Fulford ordered Lubanga to be released. Why did the “debate” come to this point? It sends a very negative image to victims in DRC.

LMO: We have a different perception. The judge made a decision, we disagree and now we appeal.

FAJ: And you are confident that the appeal will reverse the decision?

LMO: We trust that the Appeal Chamber will make a final decision and we will respect the decision. We have our position and we will present our position to the Appeal Chamber. Yes I believe the problem will be solved but it is in the hand of the Appeal Chamber now.

FAJ: You are investigating crimes committed in the Kivus. Where is the investigation standing and will there be an arrest warrant for Laurent Nkunda?

LMO: We are progressing in the Kivus, we hope before the end of the year we will have some results. Nkunda in particular is a case where there are national proceedings in Rwanda and in DRC, so we in principles respect the national proceedings. In principles Nkunda would be first prosecuted in Rwanda and I understand DRC has requested an extradition from Rwanda so we have to see what happens first at the national level. The ICC won’t step in for now.

FAJ: The Bemba trial has been delayed as well. In North and South Kivu, people have the impression that trials are taking too long and that it is impeding the right of the detainees and the right of the victims. What do you have to say to that?

LMO: I regret the delay and I understand victims want justice. But at the same time the court shall respect victims but also the accused. The court considers that, because the accused made this challenge at the admissibility of the case, we have to solve the challenge first. So it is the judge’s decision and we respect it. But I think there will be justice and the case will end well.

FAJ: Could you explain why you did not charge Bemba for crimes committed in DRC?

LMO: The Central African Republic referred the case and we found that these were the greatest crimes committed in the CAR, which is why we charged him there. Also we cannot investigate before 2002 and some allegations against Bemba in DRC are from before 2002 so I’ve got no jurisdiction.

FAJ: People in DRC are also wondering why you did not put charges for crimes of sexual violence against Lubanga.

LMO: We learned that Lubanga could be released in March 2006, so in October 2005 I said, ok where are we? Do we have enough evidences to present the killings? No. Enough for rape? No. Child soldiers? Yes. So we moved with child soldiers because that was the case we had enough evidence for and I was trying to be sure we get Thomas Lubanga before the court. It is not the only crime he committed but I think it is very relevant the first case was about child soldiers. I think child soldiers is a serious crime destroying generation of people. And also the hearings show how child soldiers is not just when you are abducted and transformed into soldier, it is the painful training. You lose a bullet, they beat you. Girls are educated to be soldiers, cooks and sex slaves at the same time. So we exposed the suffering of these kids. In fact, I like that the first case is about child soldiers.

FAJ: But it could have been child soldiers and sexual violence.

LMO: But the point is we are showing the sexual aspect of the child soldier case and I think it is important because if not, the girls who are child soldiers are ignored. They became the wife of some soldiers and commanders; they are ignored in the demobilisation programs. [...]  I believe it is important to highlight that, yes there are gender parts, but it is associated with the child soldiers’ case.

FAJ: A question that our listeners in North and South Kivu regularly ask: you have been focusing on African situations and some people feel this is a court for Africa and not for the world. What do you have to say to that?

LMO: We are conducting preliminary examinations of all the crimes that could fall under my jurisdiction. There is one in South America, it is Columbia. There is one in Europe, it is Georgia. There is one in Asia, it is Afghanistan. And then you have Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic, Darfur, Kenya, Cote d’Ivoire, and Guinea. What happen is, there are many crimes in Africa that African leaders are trying to stop and that is why we are in Africa. They are trying to stop the crimes and we are helping them to do it. We are in Africa because we shall be in Africa, the shame would be not to be in Africa. Because people have the feeling that in colonial times, colonial powers interfered with African life. But what happened in the 1990s, in Rwanda in particular, colonial powers ignored African victims, and that’s for me the shame. This court, the office of the prosecutor, will not do the same mistake. There are victims in Africa of crimes against humanity, genocide or war crimes, we will do justice for them and we are proud of that.

FAJ: The ICC mandate is to try the most responsible. Many Congolese feel that the most responsible are maybe not Lubanga, Katanga or Ngudjolo, but the Rwandan state, the Ugandan state, which manipulated these war lords…

LMO: We follow the evidences. We know Uganda was in DRC and we highlight that but we found no evidence connecting the Ugandan army or the Ugandan government with the crimes committed. That is why we charge Lubanga who is number 1. In Darfur we found president Bashir is most responsible, so we charged president Bashir. We follow the evidences, we are not following political wishes or ideas or ideologies.

But this blessing for many of us has turned into a curse. Should I stay or should I go?- the Clash song is so applicable to us. A degree in London, an Erasmus year in Warszawa, an internship in New York, a first job in Den Haag, travels to Sri Lanka, next stop life in Goma? And I am not even a special case among my friends.

K is a talented photographer who lived everywhere around the planet, following his parents as a child, following his own path as a young man. He now works in PR in London, but cannot wait to get going. Except for that sweet girl he is seeing. C is a brilliant, elegant, edgy Italian woman who is trying to have her break into fashion and art journalism but knows it won’t happen here in London. She wants to go back to Italy. Except for that Belarusian sculptor she is dating. We talked about M who is working with that big media corporation in Dakar but is dating L who lives in France and between career and love the choice is ever difficult. And then there is Ch who is with S and it is such a perfect relationship but he wants to travel around Africa for a year and she cannot follow him because of her own professional engagements. Or G who moved from Bruxelles to Australia for a Phd when T her ex-boyfriend and forever love of her life moved back from Canada to Europe, paths brushing, never truly meeting for more than a few hours, days, months.

There are moments when these choices are obvious. You’ve got to go. You’ve got to see the world. I personally didn’t think twice when I was offered a job in The Hague in September. It was my moment, I had to seize it, whatever the consequences for my relationship. They happened to be disastrous consequences. I don’t regret it, but I know it was a choice I made, not a fatality, and that can be a burden for many. Can you always live knowing you passed on the love of your life? Is your career, your “personal development” more important than building a meaningful relationship? And when does personal development stop and selfishness begins, in the name of being part of this well-travelled, international crowd? Because at the end of the day, does volunteering in Africa really make you a better person than taking care of your own family and friends at home?

Traditional values of family, religion and local community having lost their strength, we are supposed to build our “family of choice” out of thin air and social skills. At the same time we are supposed to be strong and independent, grabbing all opportunities for travel and new “experiences”. As a result many find it difficult to know where they belong.

K, C and I were complaining about the difficulty of building a circle of truly close friends in London. I had the exact same conversation a few days later with N, F and A. The truth is I heard the complaint from friends in Paris and in The Hague as well. I heard the complaint from friends everywhere on the planet. Groups of friends are constantly being dislocated, people leaving for somewhere new and exciting. And I’m thinking: I do have quite a large circle of close friends, but it is a circle around the globe. Does that condemn me to be forever on the move, trying to see everyone? I cannot possibly choose my childhood friends over my university friends over my …

All those opportunities we are constantly bombarded with, taking us to places we would never have thought of visiting, are truly opportunities only if we know where they are leading us. But for most of us, it is only a blind jump into yet another “experience”. It’s our generation cursed blessing.

DRCongo being a fervently catholic country, I was really looking forward to attending Sunday mass in Goma and was not disappointed the least. The chants were pure peace distilled, with a rhythm of joy brought by drums that fill your soul with optimism for the rest of the day. There are four services on Sunday at the church near by my hotel. Four. But there is still not enough space for everyone and dozens of people must stand outside to listen to the priest.    

I didn't have a picture of the church, so I've decided to show you the leopard rug at the hotel. This is what life after death is my friends. I was told it's worth $400. Considered buying it.

I don’t really caution assiduous practice of any religion. A convinced atheist myself, I find it difficult to get my head around the idea that millions of people let their life dictated by rigid rulings written by a handful of old men. Nothing ever rang so true to me than Voltaire’s “Prière à Dieu”, and I don’t even believe in some kind of “force” or “energy” that would mysteriously decide good and evil and make the world go ‘round. To me there is only humanity. Us. Facing ourselves. Our conscious beings, distinguished from animals by our capacity to reason. Make Cartesian choices.    

But maybe there is this one thing too. Love, this thing we can’t really explain. So many religions have define, explain what God is to them, but Love, not one has done so. If you try to be succinct you have to use the word love itself. I you try to really, really define it, you end up ranting for hours and still cannot encompass all its form. Our capacity to love influences our choices too, reasonably sometimes, madly often. And that puzzles me, because, well yes I do not have an explanation for it. I just KNOW it has nothing to do with God, or a force, or an energy. It just has to do with being human, with humanity.    

Humanity would be my religion then and I go on my little quest. My very personal, spiritual quest for my very own truth. And I look for it e.v.e.r.y.w.h.e.r.e. Today it is at church in Goma.    

Goma-Love-Spiritual quest. There lies the quintessential reason I made it into journalism. Forget about “telling the story”, “adventure”, “passion for the truth”. It is looking deep into human nature that interests me. Understanding the light and dark places within us. If we are all capable of Cartesian reasoning and love; how, oh how, is it possible for people to hate so much, kill so much, as it has been possible in places like Eastern DRC?    

I will probably never know, and will certainly lose myself in this quest. I can sense a very Coelho’s Alchemist’s ending to it. Nevermind, I am standing today at church in Goma, shaking hands and offering la paix du Christ to my neighbours, staring at the half-chopped ear of the choirboy and relishing in the choral’s prowess.

As published by IWPR

Fifty years ago this week, the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC, joined a small but growing band of African countries that faced the challenging task of building a new independent nation.

“Your task is immense and you are the first to realise it,” warned Belgium’s King Baudouin, according to media reports at the time, as he symbolically handed over the running of the country to Patrice Lumumba, the first democratically-elected prime minister of the DRC, on June 30, 1960.

The Belgian king highlighted what he saw as the principal dangers of self-governance: the inexperience of the new administration; persistent tribal rivalries; and greedy foreign powers eager to take advantage of the country’s vast mineral resources.

Half a century on, dozens of foreign dignatories and heads of state this week arrived in the DRC to join the Africam nation in celebrating this major milestone.

Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni, his Rwandan counterpart Paul Kagame and United Nations secretary general Ban Ki-moon were just some of the high-profile invitees who flew into Kinshasa to witness a lavish display of military parades put on by the Congolese army.

But many ordinary Congolese, both inside and outside the country, feel that there’s not much to celebtrate, given that war, torture and corruption have, for many, become a part of everyday life in the country.

“The assessment [of the last 50 years] has largely been negative,” pronounced Nkuba Luletsi, a teacher in the eastern town of Goma, the capital of North Kivu. “We have not had a credible leader in the last 50 years. People’s mentality must change and they must vote for change in the forthcoming elections.”

Over the last 15 years, Goma has seen some of the worst fighting in the country, as dozens of rival militias clashed in a bitter struggle for control over the region’s mineral resources.

Although a semblance of peace has now returned to the area, the spectre of violence is fresh in the minds of many.

Goma has traditionally been a stronghold of the government, with the incumbent president, Joseph Kabila, winning more than 90 per cent of the vote there in the 2006 elections. But since then, support for Kabila has slowly started to give way to frustration over how the country is being run.

Many ordinary people are concerned about government inefficiency and mismanagement. Civil servants are rarely paid in DRC and many are thought to engage in corrupt practices in order to get by.

The government has been criticised for spending tax money on free beers during the independence celebrations, while primary school teachers go without a regular income.

“The government has not spent anything on my education. Why should I go to a government rally and engage in celebrations when I have nothing for myself?” said one local.

Today, two-thirds of the 60 million Congolese live on less than 1.25 US dollars a day, according to the UN.

Recent human rights abuses in the country have also overshadowed the festivities. On June 2, celebrated activist Floribert Chebeya was found dead in Kinshasa, in murky circumstances, prompting the Movement for the Liberation of Congo, MLC, an opposition party, to announce that it would not participate in the commemorations.

Despite widespread disappointment with Kabila’s government, Goma residents recognise that there have been important improvements in the region. Today, Goma is the safest it has been in years, and infrastructure and businesses are starting to develop.

“I have just created an association for hoteliers in Goma, in order for us to develop our businesses in the coming years,” said Katembo Kikandau, a hotel manager. “These days, there are lots of NGOs working in the town. Our hope is that, soon, it will be tourism that brings us clients.”

Ban Ki-moon recently told Radio Okapi, the UN radio station in the country, that much has been accomplished since the arrival in 1999 of the UN peacekeeping mission, MONUC, “especially the pacification of a large part of the territory, democratic elections, and the creation of state institutions.

“The country has now entered a phase of consolidation and stabilisation.”

Such sentiments, however, overlook Kabila’s attempt to force MONUC out of the country altogether, which has been viewed by some an attempt to keep foreign observers from the country’s elections next year. MONUC will stay for now, but a symbolic 2,000 troops – out of the total 20,000 – left on June 26, just four days before the anniversary celebrations began.

Nonetheless, Goma’s mayor, Roger Rachid, is optimistic about the future of his town. “Our mind is not set on looking back at what we could not do,” he said. “Our goal is to look forward with force, courage, and objectivity. Our challenge is to find peace, cohabitation and love for one other. Once we do this, we will have the most beautiful town in the DRC.”

Six thousand kilometres away from the dusty streets of Goma – in Brussels, the capital of the former colonial power that once administered the day-to-day running of the African country – a group of Congolese expatriats gathered to protest at the participation of Prince Albert II at the independence celebrations.

The protesters said that it was wrong for Belgium’s constitutional monarch to attend the event, since this only served to legitamise what they describe as the corrupt and repressive DRC government.

“Since Kabila’s power was legitimised in the election in 2006, he’s become more arrogant,” said Henry Muke, one of the organisers of the protest and president of the campaign group the High Counsel for the Liberation of the Congo. “No one can speak in the country, journalists are being assassinated.”

Two years ago, Jean-Pierre Bemba, the head of the MLC opposition party, was arrested in Belgium and sent off to The Hague, a two-hour train ride, to stand trial before the International Criminal Court, ICC, for war crimes allegedly committed in the Central African Republic.

Bemba’s trial is expected to start on July 14.

This week, the protesters in Brussels said they want to current Congolese officials in court next. “We are stunned to see [Bemba] at the Hague, while the others are in Kinshasa continuing to commit crimes,” said Samson Cibayi, president of Dynamique du Combat, a Congolese association in Brussels.

An anti-Rwandan sentiment permeated the small protest, attended by about 150 people, with banners suggesting that the DRC is under Rwandan control.

There is widespread speculation that support from Rwanda was instrumental in helping Laurent Kabila, the father of the incumbent president, wrest power away from Mobutu Sese Seko in 1997.

But many lament the division between Rwanda and the DRC.

“I wish we could have a more objective reading of this, and think that not all Rwandans are bad, just like not all Congolese are good,” said Sendwe.

There are an estimated 16,000 people of Congolese origin in Belgium, a community which has turned its back on Kabila because of his perceived failure to provide for his people.

Muke estimates there has been one anti-Kabila protest every two months in the past few years in Belgium. “It’s the Congolese community here that feeds part of the country’s population,” said Muke. “We send money to our families.”

Melanie Gouby is an IWPR journalist in Goma and Tiffany Stecker is an IWPR intern.

Primus, the local beer, special edition for the Cinquentenaire- photosMelanie Gouby

The anniversary is of course a big deal here. Tomorrow there will be a huge military parade on Goma main street and I am really looking forward to it. Not the least because I will be one of the very few foreigners who will be attending it. Most NGOs and international agencies are observing a lock-down for fear that the celebration might degenerate into some kind of fight (no one is really sure between who, but “you know, TIA”). Rumours are trouble would come from the district of Rutshuru and indeed there have been several attacks in Ruwenzori in the past days carried out by the ADF/NALU Ugandan militias, but it is rather unlikely anything will happen. Goma centre will be packed with soldiers, from the Congolese national army (FARDC) and MONUC, and although I don’t really see what the big UN tanks could do against an attack in streets crammed with civilians, it is according to Congolese journalists the quietest Goma has been in a long time.     

“What’s there to celebrate?” is a question that comes back almost every time I asked people if they are doing something on the 30^th. Mobutu’s dictatorship, wars and poverty being the highlights of the past decades, it is hardly surprising people have little enthusiasm. Celebrating the independence would also imply celebrating being independent, but many feel they are subjected to a form a of neo-colonialism. Their protection depending on a foreign force, their resources being exploited by foreign countries, their daily income often depending on foreign aid. And then there are the never-ending Kabila’s years, not exactly marked by good governance. Marie, a reporter working for the national radio, wonders with what money she is supposed to join in the celebration. Civil servants are never paid in Eastern DRC.     

Apart from the parade a massive tombola has been organised and free sodas will be distributed. I don’t know anyone who has been planning on attending the rally, but I’m dragging my colleagues Maitre Charles and Marie with me to see it in the morning. I’m sure there will be a massive crowd and I will try to get a few pictures without getting in trouble this time. Marie is sewing a pagne for me. Maybe I’ll blend in a bit better? ( I know, I wish). Everyone is getting “50^th anniversary” clothes: dressed, shirts, scarves, made of colourful and not so tasteful materials printed with symbols of DRC and inscriptions about the independence. I hope she choose wisely….     

In Kinshasa, festivities are also set to be a huge party with a massive budget being allocated to free beers for the Kinois. This actually has attracted criticisms from many, who think maybe their tax money could be spent in paying school teachers rather than booze. Kabila’s popularity has sharply declined in recent years as people in the East -which initially constituted the president stronghold- have been disappointed with the government inability to improve their daily life.     

Commemorating independence also means Belgium had to send representatives. But considering the strained relationship between the two countries following harsh declarations on DRC corruption by Karel de Gucht, Belgium minister of foreign affairs, there won’t be too much decorum for Albert II of Belgium and Yves Leterme’s visit.     

I would recommend looking at this picture slideshow created by the BBC for the 50 years anniversary. The pictures are beautiful and the comments give a good feel of the population mindset, although it is a pessimistic view and I found much more joy here than what is reflected by the black and white photos. Black and white, never a good choice for Africa.

Le froid, il fait si froid, et les frissons qui parcourt sont épines
qui tordent les hanches en une danse morbide. Douleurs
enfermées dans la chair impriment la peur,
la solitude d’un enfant africain.

Logique, perdue dans un délire fiévreux. La moiteur
du jour qui faiblit s’enroule autour de la poitrine,
et presse une exaspérante torpeur
sur des membres incertains.

Un rêve, douceur interrompue de spasmes
glacés rouvrent sur la peau le souvenir
d’une lame qu’on aiguise.
Mourir s’il vous plait.
Demain.

On Lake Kivu- photo Melanie Gouby

* 

I went on a trip to Bukavu for the weekend with my colleague and we thought of it as a relaxing outing before the start of the training on Monday. Not so much. The day began with a greedy soldier threatening to confiscate my camera because I took it out in the marina where we were taking the boat and did not have a permit to take pictures. Fifteen long minutes of near violent argument and 50 dollars later I was in possession of my camera and fine, but shaken. First bribe of many to come. 

The pic that almost cost me my camera- Goma- photo Melanie Gouby

The boat ride on Lake Kivu was one of the most wonderful views I have seen in my life. Traditional small wooden boats navigate the deep blue lake surrounded by huge green hills. Villages sprinkle the shores of bright colours dots, the clothes hanging after being washed, the people walking in them. It is peaceful, except for Predator showing on the boat’s TV soon followed by a film about US soldiers committing war crimes in Vietnam. You would think… 

Lake Kivu- photo Melanie Gouby

Frank, a Congolese journalist whom I met randomly on the deck while shooting pictures of about everything I could see, was going to Bukavu on his way to Burundi for a training. Trainee, trainer, we naturally started talking about journalism in DRC, skills, development and people’s mentality. Skills… that’s what’s lacking here. There hasn’t been any proper secondary education system for decades and Western aid has not been able to generate the kind of sustainable mechanisms that would ensure DRCongo has an educated, trained workforce. Build a bridge, or a road, like the Chinese are doing now in exchange of millions of dollars worth of minerals, it will all scramble within ten years because no one will take care of it. It is not charity or cash this people need, it’s empowerment. Perhaps the bigger blame should go to Kinshasa and itspoor governance. 

Lake Kivu- photo Melanie Gouby

* 

Goma as a town is very grey and dusty. There is not one road covered with asphalt. It’s a huge city with 1 million inhabitants but I am still looking for the centre. I have been told it is the “avenue” that goes from our hotel to the Heal Africa hospital, but really there is nothing on that street except for a few restaurant and a club. 

The light is very special here. Emanating from the lake, it has a whitening quality and makes everything look even greyer than it is. It bathes the streets and the people in dream like foggy air. The lava rocks used in construction also add to this impression. Dark grey. The place is not dark though, it’s difficult to describes. 

My colleague “Maitre Charles”, IWPR coordinator in Goma is a bloody smart lawyer. He is also a fine joker and we constantly have a laugh. I have put him in charge of showing me the “real Goma”, starting with having lunch at a local place. We went to “La grippe porcine” (The swine flu), a small outdoor eatery where you could get pork even when there was a swine flu outbreak last year. Only Congolese sharp humour could have come up with such a name. 

Taking a moto-taxi (moto is the French slang for motorbike) is another “real Goma” thing I loved to do, it is huge fun! Rather dangerous as there is no helmet, but the wind in your hair, getting out of your secure, suffocating hotel-car routine and simply the ride, make it worth the risk. 

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Someone said Asia is an instant hit and Africa grows on you. Well it seem to be quite the opposite for me, despite all the misadventures (and the malaria) I had so far.

Photo by Jos Verhoogen

Of course Goma is principally known for being the theater of some of the bloodiest massacres of the past two decades. On the shore of Lake Kivu, right at the border with Rwanda, Goma was the first post for the 2 million Hutus flying violent Tutsi reprisal following the 1994 genocide. Among them were Interahamwe militias, responsible for the genocide. The Interahamwe regrouped in the region, uniting with Congolese Hutus and, supported by Mobutu, attacked Congolese Tutsis who in turn took arm, backed by Rwanda and Uganda… Begin a decade of endless fighting, fueled by ethnic hatred, regional power politics and, of course, struggle for the possession of mineral resources. Brian Mealer in his book All Things Must Fight to Live describes attacks between militias in the centre of Goma, conjuring the images of an African Far West town where cannibalism and rape is just the norm.  

I have been working for several months already with some of the Congolese journalists who are going to be participating on the new Face à la Justice radio programme and I cannot wait to meet them in person. Esperance in particular, a sweet and outspoken woman who has delivered some of the most daring radio pieces for FaJ, has send me a very enthusiastic and adorable email. In fact, the reporters who applied to the job have all shown such enthusiasm, they would be a lesson to many cynical western journalists I know. They believe in the stuff, rightly or wrongly. Journalism for them can change society, perceptions, fight impunity and can bring peace to their region. And they don’t just say it. All of them are engaged in so many activities, journalistic or humanitarian, they pulverize the stereotypes that Africans are lazy. Maybe that has something to do with that “my” team is made of female journalists, something I am proud of and excited about. Goma having been recently named the world capital of rape by Margot Wallstrom, the UN’s special representative on sexual violence in conflict; it is significant that female journalists work on a justice and human rights radio programme. Charles, our presentator, is the only man on the programme and I intend to keep it that way. Giving voice to women in the Kivus is crucial, not only to solve the issue of sexual violence, but also to bring back peace and stability. A little bit of girl power can’t hurt anyway.