Kabila reelection, Goma mitigated celebration in pictures

The elections were postponed for three days and when they finally came out, I think people were already either bored or indifferent. Goma at least has been very quiet, save for a little celebrating yesterday evening, but hardly any protest (nothing I’ve caught on camera in any case). Below are pictures of mostly Kabila supporters exulting in the streets, until rain came pouring down and sent every one home.

Celebration results Goma 2011 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 2 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 3 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 4 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 5 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 6 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 7 ©Mélanie Gouby

Not everyone in the street was happy about the results however, some people came up to me asking to tell the world that their victory had been stolen.

Celebration results Goma 2011 8 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 9 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 10 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 11 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 12 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 13 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 14 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 15 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 16 ©Mélanie Gouby

Celebration results Goma 2011 17 ©Mélanie Gouby

Thinking aloud on media development and training journalists in DRC – A reality check

It has been a year now since I first went to the Democratic Republic of Congo to train a group of 15 women journalists in radio reporting together with Louise William. In the course of this year, I have worked with them closely on a daily basis, either by phone and emails, or face-to-face when I went back to DRC and when two of them came to The Hague. It has been a wonderful experience, getting to know these women and becoming close friend with several of them.

But it has also been a tough check-in with reality. Often, one step forward has meant two steps back and it has not been easy to deal with the conflicting emotions, outcomes and reactions this work has brought to me, to the journalists and to their communities.

For a start mixing journalism and development is not as easy as it seems. Many media development NGOs come to countries like DRC, give a few trainings which in their mind equals giving the necessary skills to the journalists to work in a professional and balanced manner. Then they leave and all goes down the gutter. I have actually heard media development professionals putting the blame on the journalists themselves (!). But media, perhaps more than any other sector, are very much dependent on the environment they work in.

A few months ago, in April, I led a second radio training in Goma, for 15 new journalists coming from all over North and South Kivu to join the programme. It was great to see all these new faces I would soon get to know, fifteen women who fought hard to be where they are. The training started with an hour-long lecture I delivered on journalism ethics, and as it is usually the case at the beginning, they kept quiet. When I invited them to comment, ask questions and debate the principles I had presented to them, a passionate discussion ensued which filled most of the morning session. All of them – and I mean all of them without a single exception – admitted to taking bribes from politicians and influential people. They know it is wrong, but what do you do when you are never paid your salary at the end of the month? They all talked about being censored by their editors or radio station managers, for fear of either violent or financial retribution on the part of the authorities or local businessmen. And finally they said that never mind how much they are trained, how professional they are, they will never be given responsibilities because they are women.

This is the kind of environment media development  NGOs operate in, but they are often blind to it. Journalists are trained, but hardly ever radio stations managers or editors. Not all of them are corrupted idiots, but many of them lack the vision and skills to circle censorship and create a sustainable business plan for their radio stations to be economically independent and therefore editorially independent. Some could also do with a little lesson in feminism.

For the women journalists I am working with, this means that what they learn with us is at odds with the opportunities they get in “real life”. Principles of ethics, the code of deontology and good journalism practices are applied with difficulties to their daily work at local radio stations. Perspectives of evolution in their career are dim. Recently, one of the journalists that we had considered a success story had to stop working suddenly. After being trained by IWPR for a year, she had finally gained the confidence and skills to go in the field reporting for her radio station rather than merely read news bulletins. It was her greatest joy to finally be able to put together a report by herself and be granted the permission to go and interview people on her own. I was thrilled for her. But women reporters, because they talk to everyone, are considered to be “easy”, or in other, cruder words, they are considered sluts by Congolese society. Her in-laws were shocked by her new role and her husband threatened her on several accounts. In the end, she had to give up because the pressure was too much and her husband did raise his hand on her. One step forward, thousands of steps back.

Together we are working on finding a solution and I know she will come back to journalism because she would stop breathing otherwise, but it is tough and though I beat myself for feeling down when my friend is going through the actual hardships, there are moments were “what’s the point?” comes to mind.

No perspective of evolution, few role models and no real positive competition between media organizations that are not driven by the desire to be at the forefront of journalism but rather by the necessity of pleasing their patrons, also means that it is difficult for local journalists to be ambitious and forward thinking. On a daily basis it means that while they are enthusiastic at the beginning of their partnership with us, their level of motivation and involvement goes down exponentially as time passes, the real work starts and immediate benefits are modest. Goma being the third highest concentration of NGOs per inhabitants in the world after Kabul and Port-au-Prince, the population has also grown accustomed to receiving rather than initiate, and that is true for journalists too. The general dire poverty and the poor wages in journalism also means that local journalists will take anything you throw at them and they often overload themselves with work, missing deadlines as a result and filling in shoddy reports. As IWPR project in DRC is growing in myriads of way (we have started video reporting with mobile phones, a new website for DRC managed by the journalists themselves is underway and meetings with the civil society are organized in our new office that doubles up as a media centre, among other recent and future developments) the opportunities for the journalists are multiplying and many of them are spreading themselves thin. For me, it means I have to run after them to get things done on time. It is discouraging, draining and there again “What’s the point?” comes to mind.

I know I can change neither the environment local journalists work in, nor the ground realities of DRC. In fact, I have come to realize (pardon me if I am slow) that the only way to improve anything is working on the individual rather than on the system. Media development happens in a context and nothing will move until good governance and economic development set in. But it is possible to help a handful of them make a better life for themselves and hopefully change mentalities around them through their work. It will always remain small and perhaps insignificant, but it is what it is. It will also mean that a step forward might result in several steps back, in the short-term. So what I will do when I go back to Goma in a week is seat down with each one of the women journalists, talk real life, career and long-term perspectives that will result in custom-made individual programmes. That way I hope we can get out of the vicious circle where they take anything that comes their way without initiating or being in control of where their career is going. I have seen too many media development NGOs delivering their training mechanically and without further thinking about what happens when they leave, so whether they want to be a Congolese Oprah, a sound editing wiz, a fixer for international media outlets or a web journalism pro, it will be all about achieving that dream from now on. Because I want to keep believing, but I need to know in what and they do to.

Guest post for the International Jurist blog

This is the guest post I have written for the International Jurist blog on Jean-Pierre Bemba’s trial at the ICC and why I think it is a big miss: http://internationaljurist.wordpress.com/2010/12/04/the-bemba-trial-ersatz-justice/

The scales of the atrocities committed in central Africa over the last two decades is unmatched by any other conflict since World War Two, if only in the number of deaths. The Democratic Republic of Congo in particular has seen millions of people being massacred, raped, maimed, dying of diseases in insalubrious refugees camps and losing everything that made them human beings. Congo is an ongoing genocide. The reasons to the never-ending violence, devastating in a country already striped to the bones, are numerous. From the conveniently illegal mineral trade to the political factions trying to get their share of power, there is not one solution to end it. But there is one demand that unite all Congolese people: Justice.

Reporting from and about DRC for the last two years, my initial illusions about what kind of fruits the work of the ICC would bear in this part of the world have been largely reduced to zero. Given the international community’s responsibility in this conflict and its scale, Congolese people would have been right to expect something of the scale of the ICTR, as well as help for stabilisation and reconstruction going far beyond the 20 000 MONUC troops and the disparate aid.

But here we are, in 2010, still waiting for those big trials. Most media will have by now glossed over the importance of the trial of Jean-Pierre Bemba, but few will have actually asked what the people on the ground in the CAR and the DRC actually think of it. What kind of impact will it have in reality on their life and will it help them to heal those most deep wounds?

Bemba’s troops, from his Mouvement de Libération du Congo (MLC), have committed atrocious crimes in DRC, in particular in the Ituri region over periods of several years. A Congolese colleague told me stories of cannibalism on pygmies in the Ituri forest and gender based crimes too gruesome for me to recall here. These stories however are not just rumours, they are well established facts here in Eastern DRC and are not without witnesses. But what is Bemba tried for? Command responsibility for (alleged) war crimes committed by his troops in the Central African Republic. Moreover the prosecution has already recognized that Bemba was neither there, nor directly responsible. Meanwhile justice for victims in the DRC will remain elusive.

Now of course, Justice should also be rendered to victims of the MLC in the CAR. Ironically, many of them do not think it is Bemba who should be in the dock, but rather Ange-Felix Patassé, the then-president of the Central African Republic. In 2002, Patassé requested from Jean-Pierre Bemba that he sends his troops to Bangui in order to counter an attempted coup by Francois Bozizé, a former minister in his government turned rebel. Although it is indeed the MLC who would have committed the alleged war crimes, victims in the CAR themselves are calling for Ange-Felix Patassé to be prosecuted and often dismiss the Bemba trial as ineffective for peace in their country. Bemba was back home, a several thousands of kilometres away, unconcerned by the political struggle at the origin of the fight. According to victims, Patassé is the most responsible, and according to civil society members I talked with on several accounts, Bozizé is not far behind, but people are too afraid to talk since he is in power. Patassé and Bozizé are both running for president in the forthcoming election in CAR, an insult to the hundreds of victims who lament that a foreigner who was not even on the Central African soil is the only one indicted while their corrupted and aging leaders are still having their cake and eating it.

This trial is also an insult to the victims in the DRC. Bemba’s Banyamulengue have committed atrocious crimes in the East and the complete absence of charges for those crimes is a slap in the face of everyone affected by the MLC exactions. Not to mention that it seems rather obvious that those crimes would be easier to impart to Bemba, in comparison to the crimes committed in the CAR. Bemba was there and directly in control of his troops. Would looking too deep into those events bring to light the responsibility of people a little too influential?

asked Luis Moreno-Ocampo in July why he did not prosecute Jean-Pierre Bemba on crimes committed in DRC and he gave me this evasive answer: “The Central African Republic referred the case and we found that these were the greatest crimes committed in the CAR, which is why we charged him there. Also we cannot investigate before 2002 and some allegations against Bemba in DRC are from before 2002 so I’ve got no jurisdiction.” Given that all trials at the ICC so far have principally used witness testimonies as main evidence, it seems odd that the prosecution did not find enough ”evidences” to prosecute him on those allegations from after 2002.

As to CAR, Fatou Bensouda, the deputy prosecutor declared that Ange-Felix Patassé “is a co-perpetrator” of Bemba. So why on earth is he allowed to quietly come back to Bangui and run for president?

I arrived in the DRC in November, just in time to watch the opening of the trial on a TV set in Goma. The intermittent power cuts made it just that much more difficult to follow, but reaction to the defence opening statement were unanimous. “Bemba should have been tried for crimes here in the DRC, not in the CAR, but this is all political anyway”. People here want justice, they are hungry for it. At a local level first, but they also look up to the ICC. They still hope that someday, the people who are really the most responsible and are keeping their wonderful country in a constant state of disarray will be prosecuted.  Not a Lubanga or a Katanga, “petits poissons” as the Congolese like to say, swimming in a vast sea populated by real sharks.

Arresting a popular figure like Bemba (let’s remember here that he was the main contender against Joseph Kabila in the 2006 presidential elections and keeps a high level of popularity in Western DRC) is useless if it does not concern DRC and is not balanced by the trial of his opponents, equally guilty of war crimes. The message sent here to CAR and DRC populations and leaders is that impunity is in fact still a reality if you have enough power, that Bemba was arrested because he lost the elections and subsequently was an embarrassment for Kabila as well as an easy scapegoat for CAR politicians. Whether this is the reality, or not, does not matter. What matter is what the people who are supposed to feel relief from these trials actually think is true.  Peace without justice is not an option, but what the ICC has given Central Africans is ersatz justice without a perspective for peace, because the same people remain in power, the same balance of interests remain unchallenged, and the same people remain voiceless and helpless.

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